Qatar: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy

Summary

The state of Qatar, a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Oman), has employed its ample financial resources to try to “punch above its weight” on regional and international affairs. Qatar has intervened, directly and indirectly, in several regional conflicts—sometimes in partnership with the United States and sometimes as part of a separate initiative of like-minded GCC states. It has also sought to establish itself as an indispensable interlocutor on some issues, such as those involving the Palestinian Islamist organization Hamas and the Taliban insurgent group in Afghanistan.

Qatar’s leaders have also sought to promote what they assert are new models of Arab governance and relationships between Islam and the state—in both cases causing strife and dispute with Qatar’s GCC allies. The voluntary relinquishing of power in 2013 by Qatar’s former Amir (ruler), Shaykh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, departed sharply from GCC patterns of governance in which leaders remain in power until they die or are removed by rivals in their ruling families. Qatar’s support for regional Muslim Brotherhood organizations caused significant diplomatic confrontations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, in particular, which assert that the Brotherhood is a threat to regional security and to the internal security of the GCC states themselves. On Iran, Qatar has generally struck a middle ground within the GCC by supporting efforts to limit Iran’s regional influence while at the same time maintaining consistent channels of communication to Iranian leaders.

As do the other GCC leaders, Qatar’s leaders apparently view the United States as the ultimate guarantor of Gulf security. Qatar hosts substantial numbers of U.S. forces at its most sensitive military facilities, including the forward headquarters for U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM). The United States and Qatar have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1992, which provides for the hosting and other aspects of U.S.-Qatar defense cooperation, including sales of U.S. arms to Qatar. U.S. forces in Qatar are involved in operations all over the region, including against the Islamic State organization in Iraq and Syria. At the same time, organizations such as the Islamic State and Al Qaeda profess ideologies that are apparently attractive to some in Qatar, particularly hardline Islamists and Arab nationalists, and there have been frequent accusations by international observers that some Qataris have contributed funds and services to these groups. Members of Congress generally have taken into account these and all the other aspects of Qatar’s policies in consideration of U.S. arms sales to Qatar.

Even though Qatar’s former Amir stepped down voluntarily, U.S. and international reports criticize Qatar for numerous human rights problems, most of which are common to the other GCC states. A recent Gulf-wide trend also apparent in Qatar has been a crackdown on dissent against the ruling establishment on social media networks. Qatar is also the only one of the smaller GCC states that has not yet formed a legislative body, although reportedly such a body, and elections for it, are planned.

Qatar is wrestling with the downturn in global crude oil prices since 2014, as are the other GCC states, Qatar appeared to be better positioned to weather the downturn than are most of the other GCC states because of its development of a large natural gas export infrastructure and its small population. However, natural gas prices are also down, and Qatar shares with virtually all the other GCC states a lack of economic diversification and reliance on revenues from sales of hydrocarbon products.

For more, see CRS In Focus IF10351, Qatar, by Christopher M. Blanchard.